The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at least experimented with democratic institutions. However, many strategies for economic development in Eastern Europe and Latin America have failed with the result that entire economic systems on both continents are being transformed. This major book analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory, Professor Przeworski also considers specific data on individual countries. Among the questions raised by the book are: What should we expect from these experiments in democracy and market economy? What new economic systems will emerge? Will these transitions result in new democracies or old dictatorships?

本书是一本针对原苏东国家的政治经济转型进行深入学术分析和理论思考的力作。全书涉猎广泛，综合运用全球资本主义、民主化、经验制度主义和历史制度主义等理论，结合比较统计法和个案分析法，以全球视野审视当前正在推行市场化和民主化改革的转型国家，重点剖析原苏东20国在过去十年（1989—1999）的经验教训，深入探讨市场与民主、经济转型与政治改革之间的关系。 　　全书从外部结构变量（初始条件和外部环境）和内部转型战略两个层面入手，以政治学视角剖析经济体制改革，将其划分为美国、西欧和东亚三种转型模式。作者旨在回答下述问题：为什么有些国家在实施经济转型方面比其他国家能力更强、成就更显著？激进转型战略与渐进转型战略哪一种更优越？哪一种模式是最佳转型模式？本书的结论发人深思，对于当前正在思考中国改革得失、探索未来改革之路的国内学者来说，具有深刻的启迪和借鉴意义。

What kind of role can the middle class play in potential democratization in such an undemocratic, late developing country as China? To answer this profound political as well as theoretical question, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new middle class to democracy and democratization. Chen's work is based on a unique set of data collected from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of residents in three major Chinese cities, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an—each of which represents a distinct level of economic development in urban China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this data set confirm that (1) compared to other social classes, particularly lower classes, the new Chinese middle class-especially those employed in the state apparatus-tends to be more supportive of the current Party-state but less supportive of democratic values and institutions; (2) the new middle class's attitudes toward democracy may be accounted for by this class's close ideational and institutional ties with the state, and its perceived socioeconomic wellbeing, among other factors; (3) the lack of support for democracy among the middle class tends to cause this social class to act in favor of the current state but in opposition to democratic changes. The most important political implication is that while China's middle class is not likely to serve as the harbinger of democracy now, its current attitudes toward democracy may change in the future. Such a crucial shift in the middle class's orientation toward democracy can take place, especially when its dependence on the Party-state decreases and perception of its own social and economic statuses turns pessimistic. The key theoretical implication from the findings suggests that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the middle class-as a whole and as a part-toward democratic change in late developing countries are contingent upon its relationship with the incumbent state and its perceived social/economic wellbeing, and the middle class's support for democracy in these countries is far from inevitable.

Review "The essays appearing in the collection 'Transitions from Authoritarian rule'...will serve as reference points for students of redemocratization for years to come. Other essays will serve as classic case studies...the volumes deserve to be read time and again."--Nancy Bermeo, 'Comparative Politics' Review "The essays appearing in the collection Transitions from Authoritarian rule... will serve as reference points for students of redemocratization for years to come. Other essays will serve as classic case studies... the volumes deserve to be read time and again." -- Nancy Bermeo, Comparative Politics