Richard A. Clarke warned America once before about the havoc terrorism would wreak on our national security -- and he was right. Now he warns us of another threat, silent but equally dangerous. Cyber War is a powerful book about technology, government, and military strategy; about criminals, spies, soldiers, and hackers. This is the first book about the war of the future -- cyber war -- and a convincing argument that we may already be in peril of losing it. Cyber War goes behind the "geek talk" of hackers and computer scientists to explain clearly and convincingly what cyber war is, how cyber weapons work, and how vulnerable we are as a nation and as individuals to the vast and looming web of cyber criminals. From the first cyber crisis meeting in the White House a decade ago to the boardrooms of Silicon Valley and the electrical tunnels under Manhattan, Clarke and coauthor Robert K. Knake trace the rise of the cyber age and profile the unlikely characters and places at the epicenter of the battlefield. They recount the foreign cyber spies who hacked into the office of the Secretary of Defense, the control systems for U.S. electric power grids, and the plans to protect America's latest fighter aircraft. Economically and militarily, Clarke and Knake argue, what we've already lost in the new millennium's cyber battles is tantamount to the Soviet and Chinese theft of our nuclear bomb secrets in the 1940s and 1950s. The possibilities of what we stand to lose in an all-out cyber war -- our individual and national security among them -- are just as chilling. Powerful and convincing, Cyber War begins the critical debate about the next great threat to national security.

《华盛顿规则:美国通向永久战争之路》用批判性的眼光审视了有关美国国家安全的“华盛顿共识”，以及美国改变国家安全政策的必要性。在过去的半个世纪里，美国政坛风云变幻，驴象之争此起彼伏，但是其军事政策的根本性没想始终没有改变：要维护美国的安全就必须保持美国（且只有美国）在全球范围内的永久性驻军，必须时刻准备对遥远地区发起军事行动、对任何地方进行干预。无论是奥巴马，还是小布什，都毫无疑问地坚持这一信念。 巴塞维奇在他生动而深刻的分析中呈现了上述共识的起源。他在书中揭示了一系列美国人的预想、偏见和习惯，这些都直接或间接地导致了美国的军事力量信仰，尤其是军事力量能够满足其欲望——廉价的原油、贷款和消费品——的信仰。他同时指出美国的军国主义已经成为不可承受的、与日俱增的危险。 作者认为，以上原则形塑了美国的全球政策，当今美国的全球力量变得摇摇欲坠，现在就是改变这些原则的时刻。用一种新的共识来取代这种“华盛顿共识”对美国的未来至关重要，也是美国免于灾难的关键。

《妥协与卑劣妥协》运用大量重要典型事例（如慕尼黑协定、雅尔塔协议和阿以和平谈判等），结合渊博的哲学、政治和历史学识，以新颖的视角对各种不同的政治妥协细加分析，对战争、和平、正义等问题娓娓道来，以告诉读者：“妥协是政治的中心，能够妥协会受到赞扬。政治是妥协的艺术。”“共产主义希望通过创造客观条件，让道德不复需要，从而超越道德，这并不会损害道德本身，正如创造最好的健康环境，并不会损害医学。”“妥协，它给民主带来生命活力。”

A sweeping cultural survey reminiscent of Barzun's From Dawn to Decadence . "At irregular times and in scattered settings, human beings have achieved great things. Human Accomplishment is about those great things, falling in the domains known as the arts and sciences, and the people who did them.' So begins Charles Murray's unique account of human excellence, from the age of Homer to our own time. Employing techniques that historians have developed over the last century but that have rarely been applied to books written for the general public, Murray compiles inventories of the people who have been essential to the stories of literature, music, art, philosophy, and the sciences—a total of 4,002 men and women from around the world, ranked according to their eminence. The heart of Human Accomplishment is a series of enthralling descriptive chapters: on the giants in the arts and what sets them apart from the merely great; on the differences between great achievement in the arts and in the sciences; on the meta-inventions, 14 crucial leaps in human capacity to create great art and science; and on the patterns and trajectories of accomplishment across time and geography. Straightforwardly and undogmatically, Charles Murray takes on some controversial questions. Why has accomplishment been so concentrated in Europe? Among men? Since 1400? He presents evidence that the rate of great accomplishment has been declining in the last century, asks what it means, and offers a rich framework for thinking about the conditions under which the human spirit has expressed itself most gloriously. Eye-opening and humbling, Human Accomplishment is a fascinating work that describes what humans at their best can achieve, provides tools for exploring its wellsprings, and celebrates the continuing common quest of humans everywhere to discover truths, create beauty, and apprehend the good.

Something is profoundly wrong with the way we think about how we should live today. In Ill Fares The Land , Tony Judt, one of our leading historians and thinkers, reveals how we have arrived at our present dangerously confused moment. Judt masterfully crystallizes what we’ve all been feeling into a way to think our way into, and thus out of, our great collective dis-ease about the current state of things. As the economic collapse of 2008 made clear, the social contract that defined postwar life in Europe and America – the guarantee of a basal level of security, stability and fairness -- is no longer guaranteed; in fact, it’s no longer part of the common discourse. Judt offers the language we need to address our common needs, rejecting the nihilistic individualism of the far right and the debunked socialism of the past. To find a way forward, we must look to our not so distant past and to social democracy in action: to re-enshrining fairness over mere efficiency. Distinctly absent from our national dialogue, social democrats believe that the state can play an enhanced role in our lives without threatening our liberties. Instead of placing blind faith in the market—as we have to our detriment for the past thirty years—social democrats entrust their fellow citizens and the state itself. Ill Fares the Land challenges us to confront our societal ills and to shoulder responsibility for the world we live in. For hope remains. In reintroducing alternatives to the status quo, Judt reinvigorates our political conversation, providing the tools necessary to imagine a new form of governance, a new way of life.

两位著名经济学家经过深入的研究、严谨的分析，指出历史上金融危机发生的频率、持续的时间和影响程度都惊人的相似。 历史可以给研究金融危机的人提供许多经验，本书揭示了几百年间金融的跌宕起伏规律，会在相当长的时间内影响政策的讨论和制定，注定会成为一本重要的书。 本书涵盖了全球66个国家和地区800多年的国际金融危机历史，从中世纪的货币流通问题，到今天的次贷危机。作者运用丰富的数据，通过详尽而深入的分析，揭示了几百年间金融的跌宕起伏规律，会在相当长的时间内影响政策的讨论和制定，是金融和经济研究者应读的一本重要书籍。